Politics: Dirty games

“People want leadership, Mr. President, and in the absence of genuine leadership, they’ll listen to anyone who steps up to the microphone. They want leadership. They’re so thirsty for it they’ll crawl through the desert toward a mirage, and when they discover there’s no water, they’ll drink the sand.Lewis Rothschild, The American President, 1995.


A good friend of mine once said the quickest way to ruin a dinner with friends is to talk about sports or politics, because people are passionate about them and have unwavering views, which they all assume to be the right ones. Thank goodness, this is a website, so talking about politics will not result in people walking out of the dinner party or strangling each other. I will only get snide posts and a diss here and there, which is nothing I cannot handle.

The local government elections will soon be upon us and the dirty games of politicking have begun, with each party pounding itself as the answer to all our problems.  Because I seem to have an opinion on everything, eish – I thought I should put all the parties that have some resonance under a microscope:

ANC – Corruption remains the biggest hurdle for ANC towards its mandate of service delivery. The existence of widespread corruption in local municipalities still remains undetected and rarely exposed as the major newspapers are still obsessed with Schabir Shaik, the arms deal and Muzi Kunene’s antics, to care about a local municipal managers who treat government money as their own Diners Club card. What astonishes me the most about many ANC supporters, is that in the face of a leadership that is failing them, they continue to dig their heads in the sand, or find reasons to blame external forces, instead of accepting the fact that Luthuli House is a home divided. I honestly still fail to see the psychology behind Malema’s supporters, as in my eyes, he represents the fundamentals of how things can horribly go wrong if the dude is afforded another ounce of power

In the yaer 2011,Aljazeera English reported that 25% of South African adults, who are supposed to be in the workforce, are unemployed. The labour laws in South Africa, which are designed to protect the workers, are the very same thing that is crippling the economy. The problem being that we have first world-class labour rights, for a country that is still going through massive development. You can’t have issues like minimum wage, benefits etc. Yes, I know you want to scream at me, but the ability to access this site – means that somebody somewhere who is poor has to make it possible.  China thrives on cheap labour, which has grown the GDP. America is being built off the back of Latinos. Go to the Middle East, its cheap migrant labour that is building those heaven-kissing skyscrapers. This means that for the ANC to get people jobs, they have to tell COSATU to shut the hell up. Which I doubt will happen in my lifetime. Unemployment is another ANC headache that needs to be fixed.

It is those things where you have Bo-Vavi chanting about workers rights, while they sip Moet or have an estate in Sirengeti. The poor of the poorest do not care about workers rights; all they want is a job. An employer should set the wage. I find it very hard to talk about the poor or the concept of poverty when I drive an over-priced car, which has air-conditioning and stay in a security guarded complex.  In the end I would sound like a hypocrite, who sits by the fence enjoying the fruits of the democracy, yet continue to piss at the very same party that has enabled me these privileges. Yet sometimes one needs to bite the hand that feeds them, when the meal no longer tastes good.

The ANC needs to shed its image as a revolutionary party and embrace the fact that it’s the ruling party, that is expected to deliver, finish and klaar. I will not salute them on the houses that they have provided, the electricity that they have delivered and the roads that they have built – it is their job to do so. I rarely ever get a cookie when I submit a script; I am hired to do that. ANC is put in power to do the same, deliver on the contract it has with the voters.

I am confident that it will emerge the big winner in the local municipalities’ elections, but for how long can it keep relaying on the poor to keep it in power.  Things change, overnight – just turn on the TV and see how the Arab states are going through a massive revolt.

DA: Before DA can transform the lives of the people it needs to transform its image. The DA needs a very good celebrity spin-doctor to change its image. In the eyes of the voter, this party screams: HELEN ZILLE’s party.  It is too much personalized and the image you see of her is that of a school headmistress. One fails to see the party beyond the Helen Zille image. I hear that they have done great work in the Western Cape area, as I said – I heard, do not have proof. My assessment is that this party still need to find its own voice, and identity before it becomes a credible party that can rule a nation, I am not convinced that they are capable of running a government yet. It is like the thought of Debra Patta being given two hours to host 3rd Degree – nightmare.

COPE: What is there to say about Cope? The party died in its infancy. Shilowa and Lekota are the only people who still think that the party is alive, hence they cannot stop bitch slapping each other over the control of its heart, which stopped beating a long time ago. This party for me is the perfect example of how the need for power and obsessive greed can tear a vision apart.  It started out as an alternative for black voters who did not want to be associated with Tony Leon’s vision and quickly disintegrated into a farce. The first mistake Cope did was to appoint a pastor as a leader of their party. That portrayed them as a political party that lacked a backbone to make hard decisions, yes – it was clear as daylight that they could not decide who should be the face of Cope between Shilowa and Lekota, so they went for a compromised candidate, Dandala. Nobody knew him before the big announcement and his claim to fame was that he was the father of a TV heartthrob. Politics is not about sex appeal, it is about leadership. That was the day I lost respect for Cope and they have not regained it since. Now let me watch Jacob’s Cross hle.

IFP/NFP: This has been the most dramatic political episode I have seen over the past few months. It’s also true testament of how power hungry politicians are. Everybody knows that Buthelezi has overstayed his leadership role in the IFP, but he refuses to quietly retire to those lush hills of KZN. Can Mandela send him an email toe? IFP is facing extinction; it will go where AZAPO went, the bowels of obscurity.  Buthelezi never saw this one coming, that the woman he raised politically will turn around and shove him inside a political coffin, killing his political career in less than four months. Talk was that, inside the royal palaces of IFP, people were asking for change, change in leadership and the barely audible leader was not hearing them. Hence the Magwaza ka Msibi episode exploded in the most dramatic way since Dynasty’s Moldavia coup d’état episode.

At the moment it seems like Zanele Magwaza-Msibi will win a couple of municipalities in KZN, the others might go to ANC, leaving IFP with a little piece of the share. The writing is on the wall, if Msibi becomes the kingmaker, she will side with ANC, hence burying IFP. This, I would like to see…

See, there is nothing as depressing as the realization that none of the parties above offer any real concrete change, it is all talk and very little action.  However, hey, ANC will win, Zille will get more botox to fight stress wrinkles from losing, Cope will continue to interdict each other, NFP will make Magwaza ka Msibi rich and IFP will die. Such drama, I cannot wait.

I guess we will meet at the voting polls…

Molatelo Thoka


Mzansi Magic’s taxi telenovela

Last year South African pay-TV broadcaster M-Net’s local content channel Mzansi Magic launched its first ever telenovela, iNkaba, and now it launches a second telenovela, Isibaya, set against the backdrop of the taxi industry. Isibaya broadcasts from 18 March at 20h30, Mondays to Thursdays.

Produced by The Bomb Shelter (Zone 14, Jacob’s Cross), Isibaya, which consists of 208 episodes, depicts the battle for wealth and power between the Zungus and the Ndlovus, two rival taxi families living in Thukela Valley.

“We are very excited about creating a new show for the Mzansi Magic viewers,” says Desiree Markgraaff, MD at The Bomb Shelter. “In Isibaya we have a hero whose dream inspires everyone, but unleashes jealousy and scheming behind closed doors. We have malicious villains, many beautiful people, the rolling hills of Thukela, and right in the middle of all this is the story of two young lovers destined for each other. Our hope is to bring viewers a programme they will enjoy, a world full of drama, colourful characters, vicious battles over taxi routes and tenders for new highways, and the lure of big money to be made.”

In the past the two rival families battled over cattle, but the taxi business has become the new commodity. This world is reflected in the title Isibaya, which means The Kraal (where a herd of cattle and goats are kept) but is also colloquially a reference to a fleet of taxi’s and new wealth.

The narrative not only tackles the feud between the two families but at its heart it is an epic love story between Thandeka and S’bu, the younger generation of their feuding families. It is a story of love, of betrayal and of big dreams.

“Our mission at Mzansi Magic is to tell captivating, authentic local stories. The telenovela format is an excellent vehicle for such narratives, as illustrated by the well-loved iNkaba, which set the scene for more stories that reflect worlds known to our viewers. We trust that Isibaya will be a big hit amongst our audiences and that each new telenovela will raise the bar in terms of local storytelling,” says Yolisa Phahle, channel director of M-Net’s local interest channels.

The Isibaya cast is an eclectic mix of both celebrated, seasoned actors in television and theatre and fresh new faces. Siyabonga Twala heads up the Zungu household as Mpiyakhe, with his leading lady and third wife, Iris Zungu, played by Mampho Brescia. Also lined up are actors hailing from KwaZulu-Natal: Class Act winner, Sidumo Mtshali (S’bu Ndlovu), Nomzamo Mbatha (Thandeka Zungu), Palance Dladla (Jabu Zungu), Zakhele Mapondo (Skhaleni) and Mdu Gumede (Ntandane). Bheki Mkhwane plays the role of Samson, the head of the Ndlovus, who is aligned with his hot-headed brother, Mandla, played by Bongani Gumede.

Zuma and Motlanthe: Shadow boxing over SA’s today and tomorrow

You would think the two people at the top in South Africa would agree on whether the country is in crisis. Apparently not. The deputy president thinks South Africa is in a ‘rut’ and that Mangaung represents a ‘tipping point’. The president says his deputy is ‘exaggerating’ and the country ‘is not in a crisis’. By RANJENI MUNUSAMY.
In order to serve as president and deputy president in the state, a level of like-mindedness is rather essential. The deputy president often has to serve as acting president when the president is out of the country. The two flank each other in cabinet meetings, and while executive powers are vested with the president, he would count on his deputy to support him in executing his responsibilities.
There has to be unquestioning trust between these two people in order to govern the country effectively.
The relationship between President Jacob Zuma and Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe started off like a house on fire when they were elected to lead the ANC in 2007. Since then, there appears to have been a cooling in relations. There is no longer any chemistry between the two. If anything, public interaction between the two seems somewhat forced and artificial.
Perhaps it is the functioning of the presidency that causes friction. There two have separate offices which rotate on their own axes. There are no regularly scheduled meetings between the two to discuss matters of state: the only time they meet is when they have to attend the same event. It is consequently unsurprising then that the two have developed different perspectives on major issues.
Of course, the relationship has to be viewed now through the prism of the ANC’s elective conference in Mangaung, where they are expected to compete for the position of president. Both Zuma and Motlanthe are reluctant to admit that they are now in campaign mode, although there is a subtext to much of what they say.
Signs of divergence were first evident over the handling of the disciplinary case against the former ANC Youth League President Julius Malema. From the time Malema was charged, stories were circulated that the ANC’s top officials were not united on the disciplinary action. Malema himself believed that Motlanthe, Deputy Secretary-General Thandi Modise and Treasurer Mathews Phosa would break ranks.
It has now been revealed in Motlanthe’s biography that he thought that putting Malema through a disciplinary process was “fundamentally wrong” and that a “political solution” should have been found to the transgressions of Malema and other Youth League leaders. This is in spite of all the top six officials being wheeled out in a joint press conference in April to lend their weight to the decision to expel the Youth League leaders.
The second issue of contention between Zuma and Motlanthe was the ANC proposal for a “second transition”. The concept was touted at the ANC policy conference in June and formed the backdrop for all policy discussions at the meeting. The original version of the discussion document suggested that the ANC should view South Africa’s political transition as being complete, and that a new transition focusing on economic and social transformation should begin.
In the run up to the policy conference, Zuma owned the document and talked up the concept on several platforms he addressed. Then Motlanthe unexpectedly tore into the document, saying it was laced with “smatterings of Marxist jargon”.
“Second transition! Second transition! Second transition! From what, from where to where? What constituted the first transition? What were the tasks of that phase, have all those tasks been accomplished or not?”
Zuma retaliated, defending the need for the second transition but also pointing out that it was duplicitous for anyone (Motlanthe) to criticise the document after it had been endorsed by the ANC leadership.
“It is important to understand how the ANC works. The ANC produces documents first and they are discussed by working committees. Once they are looked at by the National Executive Committee (NEC) they are sent to branches. This is what we did. Comrades at leadership level had the opportunity to see them and the time to look at it, not once but three times. The NEC discussed it three times. It is inconceivable for a member of the NEC to say he is not aware of it,” Zuma said at an ANC meeting in the Free State.
The debate over the second transition document at the policy conference thus mutated into a proxy battle between Zuma and Motlanthe supporters. The compromise was to change the concept to “the second phase of the transition”.
This week Zuma and Motlanthe’s clash of perspectives became evident again – indelicately in front of the international media. Political and economic developments in the country are being closely monitored by the international media due to consecutive international ratings downgrades and the unrest in the mining sector. The government has been stung by reports in several international publications, including The Economist, about the unravelling of delivery gains and growing socio-economic crisis in South Africa.
In an interview with the Financial Times, Motlanthe said Mangaung would represent a “tipping point” and that if the many expectations of the ANC conference were not met, “the levels of despondency and so on will rise and the negative outlook will be strengthened”.
Repeating a constant refrain of his about the ANC needing to “renew” itself, Motlanthe said this was the only way the ruling party would be able to lead “all of South Africa out of this rut”.
“There is no doubt about it that we need renewal or we’re going south,” Motlanthe said.
Zuma was clearly not impressed by Motlanthe’s comments. Speaking to foreign correspondents based in South Africa on Monday, Zuma said the country was not in crisis.
“We are not at a tipping point,” Zuma said. “It is wrong to exaggerate, to say because there are strikes, then South Africa is in a big crisis.… To us (government), South Africa is not in a crisis. Tipping from where to where?”
But is this a real difference of opinion or an attempt to by Zuma to get Motlanthe to shut up? Zuma after all convened two meetings of government, business, labour and community organisations to deal with the economic situation and the crisis in the mining sector, after which he announced a package of measures to help the economy recover. Motlanthe seemed only to be echoing the general response in government and the ANC. At the ANC policy conference, Zuma repeatedly called for “a radical shift towards economic and social transformation” and “a militant programme of action” to deal with poverty, inequality and unemployment.
How then is this different from the sentiments expressed by Motlanthe?
In all the analysis of a possible Zuma-Motlanthe showdown at Mangaung, it is often stated that there is very little difference evident between the two men in terms of policy and perspective. This could be a result of the fact that Motlanthe, as Zuma’s deputy, is restrained from expressing himself clearly and crossing swords with his boss. He probably also does not enjoy getting hammered down when he does.
Zuma evidently sees Motlanthe not only as a competitor but an opportunistic critic. There is palpable discomfort having his challenger in the position closest to him where he has access to the levers of power and unfettered information. Media reports have also suggested that there are attempts by Zuma and those close to him to gag Motlanthe and control his diary in order to prevent him from stealing the spotlight from the president.
It is becoming increasingly obvious though that the working relationship between Zuma and Motlanthe may not be able to last out their term of office. If they do go head to head at Mangaung, it will be virtually impossible to resume the façade of a symbiotic relationship afterwards. And even if they strike a deal to continue working together, whether this can last out another two years remains to be seen. If they continue to bicker in public, they might reach their own “tipping point”.
The presidency of South Africa was not built to have to opposing forces occupy it. It bombed out when Thabo Mbeki and Zuma occupied the same office space and it is becoming increasingly uncomfortable with Zuma and Motlanthe in it.
Motlanthe may be right that Mangaung could deliver South Africa out of the rut, but he might be hoping it does the same for him


Cry, the beloved ANC
October 16, 2012
ANC, Democracy, Heritage, history, In the news, The ANC debate
2012-10-14 10:00

Tony Yengeni

As the 53rd national conference of the ANC approaches, two exaggerated analogies come to mind.

Is it like being trapped on a runaway roller coaster, hurtling up and down at heart-stopping speeds? Or is it like plummeting to the earth on a doomed flight?

The nation is obsessed with the ANC conference and its outcome.

This is inevitable because the governing party materially affects the lives of all South Africans.

Since its founding in 1912, the ANC nurtured a tradition and practice of contesting leadership positions.

After HF Verwoerd’s National Party government banned the ANC in 1960, it was only able to hold three conferences before 1990.

At the secret Lobatsi conference in 1962, the ANC constitution was suspended and many of its practices were put on ice.

As an illegal underground movement the ANC was unable to operate like a conventional political formation – holding public meetings, publicising the names of its leadership and members, and conducting its internal political life transparently.

A number of expedients were adopted to keep the movement alive, and to protect its members and supporters against violent state repression.

Among the procedures put on hold was the election of its leadership in open political contests.

The 1985 Kabwe conference reasserted the tradition of an elected leadership, but still under conditions of illegality, placing constraints on the manner the elections were conducted.

Once unbanned, the ANC returned to its prior traditions of open leadership elections and now mandates an external electoral body to conduct them transparently.

Thirty years of underground activity did, however, have an impact on movement practice.

At its 49th conference in June 1991, the ANC presidency was not contested, though other senior positions were.

Contestation of positions had been the ANC norm for decades prior to 1960.

For example, at the 1952 annual conference, where Chief Albert Luthuli was elected president, 50 different candidates were nominated to that position from the floor of the conference.

In the end the contest boiled down to about five candidates, including Dr James Njongwe and Nelson Mandela.

The wide open field of prospective candidates for the ANC presidency and other top positions is nothing remarkable to those conversant with pre-1960 ANC traditions.

Unfortunately, at the first three elective conferences held after 1990, the president was elected unopposed, so now many observers and ANC members have come to believe this is the customary practice.

What happened at Polokwane in 2007 had in the past been the norm.

Its reappearance as standard ANC practice is a welcome sign of political normalisation and maturity.

The ANC is a broad church and therefore any political contest entails like-minded members of an organisation clustering around a platform, usually represented by a candidate or slate of candidates.

It therefore comes as no surprise that as the national conference draws closer, one will find groups within the ANC differing in size and style, punting their preferred candidates.

Returning to my earlier analogies, a regrettable feature of this otherwise healthy procedure is the practice in the current contests for these lobbying groups to crystallise and congeal into political factions prepared to conduct undignified and potentially destructive campaigns.

The prospect of the highest decision-making body in the ANC, its national conference, being reduced to a deadly combat zone for positions, with complete disregard for the consequences not only for the integrity and dignity of the movement, but its very survival, is indeed highly disturbing.

It has now become the norm that, on the eve of ANC elective conferences at all levels, tensions build up as different groupings enter into highly polarised and fractious battles to win certain key positions for their candidates.

This competition affects all levels of the movement.

What is baffling is that while there is absolutely nothing wrong with contestation for any position, why does destructiveness and acrimony accompany such lobbying?

Why can’t we engage one another in a robust and constructive manner as many other political parties around the globe do?

Why do we find it necessary to visit this indignity upon ourselves and the country every time we hold elective conferences?

One has watched with dismay as inflamed passions have closed the ears and minds of competing groups to opposing arguments and ideas.

Each grouping fervently believes it is right and all the others are wrong.

In such an environment, the temptation for the group whose candidates come out on top to behave in a factional manner and for it to be regarded as such by those who have lost out is greatly increased.

Unfortunately, since the contest is among senior leaders, they too might yield to such temptations, to the detriment of the movement.

That holds the threat of factions within the movement becoming formalised and legitimated by new and strange practices that depart from the movement’s established culture and traditions.

When matters reach such a point, it becomes difficult to distinguish between factional decisions and statements, and those representing the actual voice of the ANC.

That internal democracy and the tradition of healthy debate has been the lifeblood of the ANC over the decades cannot be overstated.

Factionalism stimulates an environment of intolerance for differing viewpoints.

One outcome is that those who state their views frankly and fearlessly can immediately be labelled and derided as “right-wing opportunists”, “ultraleftists”, “populists”, or even “enemy agents”!

Once this becomes regular practice, anarchy, indiscipline and rumourmongering will be elevated from a deviant subculture to the norm.

Public spats and leaks to the press become the order of the day.

In no time, procedures that had in the past been unacceptable will infect even the top leadership.

It is my observation that factions anywhere in the world and in all political parties are the same.

Perhaps the only difference is the degree of support each enjoys on the ground.

Some may even profess a different ideology from the other, but in the final analysis they all behave in the same manner.

All factions, irrespective of political affiliation, have the same destructive effect.

The greatest tragedy about this is that the new generation of ANC members who joined the ANC after its unbanning come to regard the behaviour of their leaders as the example to follow.

What one sees in ANC conferences today can be viewed as the germination of the seeds planted by us, the leaders.

The danger with factionalism is that the vicious cycle continues because almost immediately after a conference, the “losers” will take up the cudgels and begin the fight from scratch, or the “winners” will fracture into splinter groups and immediately go for one another’s throats.

The movement is then reduced to something akin to a permanent political war zone. It never stops.

It affects everything and everyone.

Even songs in ANC conferences today are no longer about the struggle, the people or freedom, but about candidates. It’s ugly, annoying and boring.

Will we again and again wake up before the next local government elections to discover that the open toilets the people complained about are still not covered? Is this all because we are inward looking and care less about solving people’s problems?

Is it all about us and less about them?

In the meantime, the masses that gave birth to and have sustained the ANC with their support over the decades watch such an ugly spectacle unfold and are in many instances baffled and disgusted by the actions of those they regard as leaders.

This beloved ANC does not deserve to be reduced to a battlefield for factional interests.

This glorious movement was forged and built over a long, difficult period by the poor fighting masses of this country.

It is their creation and it belongs to them.

No single individual or faction, no matter how powerful or ruthless, should be allowed to hijack and impose their will on it.

Returning the ANC to its roots and its time-tested democratic practices will not be done behind closed doors.

Neither must this be a call by some to purge others.

It must be a genuine effort to renew the ANC and make it relevant to the needs and demands of the times.

Light must shine on everything and the masses of our people must be a part of this because without them the ANC will be left at the mercy of ruthless political amateurs masquerading as revolutionaries.

The time has come for the masses to reclaim the ANC and recreate it in their own image so that it continues to be the party that champions their noble and just cause, their dreams and aspirations.

I often ask why we appear not to have learnt from the experience of our brothers and sisters to the north, since we were the last to be liberated in Africa.

If leadership places self-advancement, the contest for positions and the interests of factions ahead of those of the ordinary people, the movement will wither and die in our hands.

As our national conference draws nearer and temperatures rise, the pursuit of political office might close many minds to reason.

Speaking the truth is revolutionary and liberating.

»Yengeni is the ANC’s head of political education
Source: City Press


Sello Julius Malema fears nothing. He has not feared a single thing since he began existing in 1981. As a child, he did not fear carrying a pistol. Then he did not fear setting fire to things, for political expression. Of late, he has not feared Solidarity, walking for a really long time, the media, the Boers, or ANC President Jacob Zuma. He has not feared death. Yes, our fearless Commander of the Economic Freedom Fighters has casually flicked doughnut crumbs off his immense belly in the general direction of the grim reaper.

On 18 September, he bellowed, “I have nothing to hide. I only have my convictions. Nothing will stop me from fighting for economic freedom, not even my death. We are unshaken.”

Julius Malema fears nothing.

Well, that may be a bit of an exaggeration. The commander does allow some things to unsettle him a little. Wasting time, for example, transforms him from the generous leader he is into a quivering mess of tears. Therefore, he does not waste time. He has never wasted his own time, ever. Other people’s time? That is not for him to waste time considering or worrying about. Making a court appearance on Tuesday would be an immense waste of his time. So therefore, no court appearance will be made. And even stopping to explain why he will not be showing face on the first day of the biggest trial of his life is in of itself a waste of time – therefore his lawyer Nicqui Galaktiou was dispatched to make the announcement.

“We have not received confirmation of charges as yet … I can tell you that Mr. Malema won’t be appearing in court” on Tuesday, she told Sapa.

For those who must know (fortunately for all Juju-weary Daily Maverick readers who would rather someone else paid attention for their sakes, that group includes me), a press statement will be due on Tuesday morning.

We know that an arrest warrant was issued on Friday. City Press said that it was based on charges for money laundering, corruption and fraud relating to his Ratanang Family Trust and its shareholding in On-Point Engineering, a company that allegedly made millions from Limpopo government tenders.

The case will also be heard in Polokwane.

The authorities have been threatening to arrest Malema – via media leaks; it must be admitted – for many months now. The timing of the warrant does rather make it appear as if someone got pricked into action by the commander’s involvement in the aftermath of the 16 August massacre at Marikana. Almost a month to the day after the police shot 112 striking workers, the government declared that a crackdown on illegal activities would happen, if they continued. The decision came after a meeting of the security cluster of cabinet minister, and other civil servants in charge of other state agencies.

City Press claims that people sympathetic to Malema’s cause say that the decision to arrest Malema came out of that meeting.

It doesn’t end there, however. Over the weekend, more salacious titbits emerged.

“A tender thriller – that’s probably the best description of Public Protector Thuli Madonsela’s report into On-Point Engineers,” wrote Adriaan Basson. “The company, partly owned by Julius Malema’s family trust, broke almost every rule in the book governing public procurement in South Africa, according to Madonsela.”

The provisional report by the public protector finds that the Ratanang Family Trust benefits “improperly” from the tendering process, but there is no evidence that Malema personally interefered.

“The evidence and information obtained during the investigation showed that On-Point owed its existence, as a profit-making establishment that could declare dividends on a monthly basis, solely to the awarding of the contract by the department to it in October 2009. Because the awarding of the contract was based on ‘deliberate misrepresentations and non compliance with procurement prescripts’, On-Point’s shareholders – Malema’s family trust and Gwangwa’s family trust – benefited improperly ‘from the unlawful, fraudulent and improper conduct of On-Point and the department’,” Madonsela reportedly finds.

Oh, and the taxman wants R16 million from the commander for monies that have flowed in and out of the family trust. A judgement was obtained by the South African Revenue Services in the North Gauteng High Court on September 11.

But obviously it is all a plot!

Or so thinks Sindiso Magaqa, temporarily not the secretary-general of the ANC Youth League while he serves out a membership freeze for being rude and insulting.

“It was not a surprise for us because we knew there is an orchestrated campaign that is being run in government to arrest the president of the ANC youth league,” he said to the Mail & Guardian. “You will have noticed that after the Marikana issue, this thing of arrest has popped out because people were very aggrieved that (Malema) emerged as a leader who can go and listen to the people, and people have responded to his call for a mining revolution so we can share the economy of this country.”

Actually chief, yes we have noticed the commander’s successful attempts to jumpstart his public profile (if not his political career) by ramming his round peg into the square Marikana hole until it fit. And so have some very high-up people in government and someone has clearly decided that Something Must Be Done.

A moment’s pause here, and a furrowed brow. No matter how much one may distrust Malema’s intentions, the timing and seeming perfect orchestration of charges after the Marikana turmoil does smack of machinations at the highest levels of power. It stinks, basically. Then again, we won’t know that Malema has anything to answer for until a judge has sifted through all the evidence and decided, will we?

The circus will head north on Tuesday. Malema won’t be there. That is when the rest of us will know how serious this all is, because all the whispers and rumours will have to be aired out in public.

But Malema will not be afraid. The commander does not fear. Rather, he peers contemplatively out of the back seat window of a black Mercedes Benz Vito as it speeds away from yet another mine under siege from its own workers, and plans the next move. For now, it is perhaps the contents of tonight’s dinner. And then a review of Galaktiou’s press statement to be released on Tuesday, for those who care for such things (insert a clattering remark of self-pity here, scribe). And then curled lip thrust at Death, on the way to bed. For Julius Malema fears nothing






Allan Gray Grade 6 Scholarship 2012

Closing Date: 28 September 2012

Please help the little ones…


  • Finish Grade 6 in 2012
  • Be very good at Maths and English
  • Have a financial need
  • Be a South African citizen
  • Have hard copies of the necessary documents, as listed below:


  • Certified copy of the learner’s birth certificate or I.D. or passport
  • Certified copy of the parent(s)/guardian(s) ID
  • If the parent(s) have passed away, a copy of the Death Certificate(s)
  • Certified copy of the learner’s Grade 5 report received in December 2011
  • Certified copy of the learner’s Grade 6 report received in June 2012
  • If the parent(s)/guardian(s) are employed, a certified copy of proof of income, such as
  • payslips or an income statement, etc. of both parents/custodians
  • If one or both of the parents/guardians are unemployed, an affidavit to prove
  • unemployment and that states why and for how long they’ve been unemployed
  • If one or both of the parents/guardians are on pension, an affidavit to prove
  • pension income

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“Lazy Speech” Wins!


 Zinhle Novazi walked away with a R65,000 study bursary and R15,000 for her school Zinhle Novazi was named the 2012 winner of the Anglo American Young Communicators Award on Saturday at Turbine Hall in Newtown, Johannesburg.
She competed against eight young public speakers from the other South African provinces.
Novazi, 18, of Bloemfontein in Free State, confidently blew the crowd away with her thought-provoking oration.
Her speech was about the You Only Live Once generation – yolo.

She called the yolo concept a “clever concept of saying do everything right the first time around because you might never get a second chance”.

“They say we are lazy. Well, for once ‘they’ are right,” she said in her speech.

“We are lazy, because being lazy is what makes us so productive. When we are lazy we get inspired to come up with new innovations or more effective methods to do things, so that it requires less human effort.”

The public speaking bug bit Novazi after a teacher introduced her to it. She has been involved in public speaking for almost a year.

She cites US President Barack Obama as a great orator and admires his ability to engage with the youth.

The matric pupil at St Michael’s School for Girls plans to study BComm (Law) and get involved in politics after graduation.

She says it hasn’t quite sunk in that she won the competition, but “I am emotional and very happy and excited”.

Her motto in life is “the sky is the limit”.

Novazi walked away with a R65,000 study bursary and R15,000 for her school.

She will also be representing the country at the 2013 English speaking Union’s International Public Speaking Competition in London, England, next year.

“I am honoured to represent my country and also excited since I have never been out of the country before,” Novazi said.

“Lazy Speech” Wins!


 Zinhle Novazi walked away with a R65,000 study bursary and R15,000 for her school Zinhle Novazi was named the 2012 winner of the Anglo American Young Communicators Award on Saturday at Turbine Hall in Newtown, Johannesburg.
She competed against eight young public speakers from the other South African provinces.
Novazi, 18, of Bloemfontein in Free State, confidently blew the crowd away with her thought-provoking oration.
Her speech was about the You Only Live Once generation – yolo.

She called the yolo concept a “clever concept of saying do everything right the first time around because you might never get a second chance”.

“They say we are lazy. Well, for once ‘they’ are right,” she said in her speech.

“We are lazy, because being lazy is what makes us so productive. When we are lazy we get inspired to come up with new innovations or more effective methods to do things, so that it requires less human effort.”

The public speaking bug bit Novazi after a teacher introduced her to it. She has been involved in public speaking for almost a year.

She cites US President Barack Obama as a great orator and admires his ability to engage with the youth.

The matric pupil at St Michael’s School for Girls plans to study BComm (Law) and get involved in politics after graduation.

She says it hasn’t quite sunk in that she won the competition, but “I am emotional and very happy and excited”.

Her motto in life is “the sky is the limit”.

Novazi walked away with a R65,000 study bursary and R15,000 for her school.

She will also be representing the country at the 2013 English speaking Union’s International Public Speaking Competition in London, England, next year.

“I am honoured to represent my country and also excited since I have never been out of the country before,” Novazi said.


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